Sunday, September 20, 2015

A damaged photograph, dating back to 1958-59.



Photograph shows B.R.P. Bhaskar with (from left to right H.P. Lionel Gunawardene and Samita de Fonseka, both of Sri Lanka, and Kishan Gopal Chadda.

We were all at the University of the Philippines during 1958-59.

Lionel was in New Delhi in the 1960s as an officer at the Asian Regional Office of the International Cooperative Alliance. Chadda was an officer of the Press Information Bureau. Both Lionel and Chadda are no more.

A note at the back of the photograph, which has been damaged, says it was taken at the Malacanang Palace, Manila, which is the official residence of the President of the Philippines.


Wednesday, September 9, 2015

ഒരോർമ്മപ്പെടുത്തൽ..2008ലെ ബ്ലോഗ് പോസ്റ്റ്

 

ഡൽഹി സർവകലാശാലാ അദ്ധ്യാപകൻ എസ്. എ.ആർ. ഗീലാനിയുടെ ആലപ്പുഴയിലെയും കൊച്ചിയിലെയും പൊതുപരിപാടികൾ തടഞ്ഞ പൊലീസ് നടപടി സി.പി.എം എടുത്ത ഒരു രാഷ്ട്രീയ തീരുമാനത്തിന്റെ അടിസ്ഥാനത്തിൽ കൈക്കൊണ്ടതാണെന്ന് ന്യായമായും അനുമാനിക്കാം.

അടുത്തുവരുന്ന ലോക് സഭാ തെരഞ്ഞെടുപ്പിൽ വിജയസാദ്ധ്യത മെച്ചപ്പെടുത്താൻ പറ്റിയ മാര്‍ഗ്ഗം സംഘ് പരിവാറിന്റെ മുസ്ലിംവിരുദ്ധ ഹിന്ദുത്വ അജണ്ട ഏറ്റെടുക്കുകയാണെന്ന് സി.പി.എം. നേ‌തൃത്വം തീരുമാനിച്ചിരിക്കുന്നുവെന്നാണ് ഇത് സൂചിപ്പിക്കുന്നത്.

കൊച്ചി അനുഭവത്തിനുശേഷം ഗീലാനി പുറപ്പെടുവിച്ച പ്രസ്താവന KERALA LETTER ബ്ലോഗിൽ വായിക്കാവുന്നതാണ്.

Thursday, July 23, 2015

ജാതീയതയുടെ തിരിച്ചുവരവ്

കലാകൌമുദിയിൽ ഞാൻ എഴുതിയ “വർഗ്ഗമെന്ന മിഥ്യയും ജാതി എന്ന യാഥാർത്ഥ്യവും" എന്ന ലേഖനപരമ്പരക്ക് ഇ.എം.എസ്. നമ്പൂതിരിപ്പാട് ദേശാഭിമാനി വാരികയിൽ മറുപടി എഴുതി. അതിനോടുള്ള എന്റെ പ്രതികരണം ഞാൻ ദേശാഭിമാനി വാരികയ്ക്ക് അയച്ചു. വാരിക അത് അച്ചടിച്ചില്ല. അതിനാൽ അത് കലാകൌമുദിക്ക് അയച്ചു കൊടുത്തു.

കലാകൌമുദി അത് 1995 മേയ് 28 ന് പ്രസിദ്ധീകരിച്ചു. അത്  ചുവടെ ചേർക്കുന്നു.


വർഗ്ഗമെന്ന മിഥ്യയും ജാതിയെന്ന യാഥാർത്ഥ്യവും

ഇ.എം.എസ്. നമ്പൂതിരിപാടിന്റെ നേതൃത്വത്തിൽ സി.പി.എം. സ്വീകരിച്ച ജാതീയ അസമത്വങ്ങളെ അവഗണിക്കുന്ന സമീപനം വിമർശനാത്മകമായി പരിശോധിക്കുന്ന ഈ ലേഖന പരമ്പര കലാകൌമുദി ആഴ്ചപ്പതിപ്പിൽ 1995ലെ എഴുതിയതാണ്.

ഒന്ന്. കലാകൌമുദി, ഫെബ്രുവരി 5, 1995.



രണ്ട്. കലാകൌമുദി, ഫെബ്രുവരി 12, 1995

മൂന്ന്. കലാകൌമുദി ഫെബ്രുവരി 19, 1995



Tuesday, July 21, 2015

Old photographs bring the light of other days around me




A set of photographs taken when I arrived at the Bombay regional office of United News of India in July 1973 after the agency's management revoked the order terminating my services following a five-day strike. The pictures above show Madhu V Shettye, President of the UNI Employees Union, Bombay, and colleagues welcoming me. (Madhu was a veteran journalist of Free Press Journal.) 


Inside the Bureau. On my right is S B Kolpe, President of the Indian Federation of Working Journalists, and  on my left is K K Duggal, who replaced me as Regional Manager at Bombay.

In December 1972 the management of UNI transferred me from New Delhi to Bombay. The UNI Employees Union, Delhi, was agitating for wage revision at the time. I did not involve myself in the Union’s work since, as News Editor, I was functioning in a supervisory capacity. However, as Vice-President of the Delhi Union of Journalists, I was active in the campaigns of the Indian Federation of Working Journalists.

UNI journalists got MPs to raise the wage revision issue in the two houses of Parliament. Based on information provided by the UNI management, Information and Btoadcasting Minister I K Gujral told Parliament the Union’s demand was unjustified as the news agency had implemented the Wage Board proposals the previous year. Under the law, the Union cannot raise a fresh wage demand for three years. The government’s response demoralized my colleagues at the Desk,who were looking forward to an improvement in their emoluments. I told them to challenge the minister’s statement which was not entirely correct. UNI had not implemented the Wage Board proposals fully. The agreement the management signed with the Union only provided for implementation of the pay scales proposed by the Board. The dearness allowance rates proposed by the Board were not being paid. Since the Wage Board proposals had not been fully implemented the UNI management could not invoke the clause about three-year bar. In the agreement signed with the management, the Union had, of course, agreed not to raise any new wage demand for three years. On its part, the management had agreed to revise the emoluments if the agency’s finances improved. Its finances had improved, and the management had an obligation to revise the emoluments in terms of this commitment.

Gujral was furious when he got the Union’s rejoinder to his statement. He blasted the General Manager for misleading him and rendering him liable to be hauled up for misleading Parliament. The General Manager knew he could no longer get the government to back his stand. He was aware that I had helped the Union to save the situation and decided to get me out of the way. The Union offered to raise the issue of my transfer. I advised them against it. I told the Secretary, George Mathew, that the management could not now avoid wage revision and the Union should not provide it an opportunity to bargain by taking up the issue of my transfer.

Having worked closely with the General Manager for more than four years, I had a fair idea of how his mind worked. I knew he was sending me to Bombay since there was a rival UNI Employees Union there. I was ready to face more trouble from the management. When I asked for a week’s leave to visit my family, which was still in Delhi, the management decided to strike. Within an hour of arrival at my Delhi residence, a UNI messenger delivered the sack order. It simply said “it has been decided to terminate your services, which is done herewith”.  An hour later T. P. Alexander, a reporter of the Bombay bureau, telephoned me and said K.K.Duggal had come from Delhi and taken charge of the office. Duggal, who had been News Editor before me, was flown to Bombay the previous night for the purpose.

“What happens to you?” asked Alex. “I have got a letter saying my services have been terminated,” I said.

“We are going on strike,” Alex said immediately. I told him I did not want colleagues in Bombay to stick their necks out. I would consult the Delhi union and the IFWJ, and there should be no precipitate action in the meantime, I said.

IFWJ Secretary General B R Vats and I met M K Ramamurthi, former IFWJ Secretary General who had left journalism and was practising at the Supreme Court.  He told us: “If the UNI union is capable of action, this is the time for it.”

The Delhi Union called an emergency general body meeting. Vats and Santosh Kumar, General Secretary, DUJ, conveyed Ramamurthi’s advice to the staff in spirited speeches in Hindi. While the meeting was still on, the Bombay Union announced it was going on strike immediately. The Delhi Union followed suit.

Santosh Kumar, in a report covering DUJ’s activities during the period May 1973 to January 1976, recorded as follows: “In July 1973,we faced another attack. This time, it was the management of the UNI which most arbitrarily terminated the services of another active trade unionist and a former vice-president of our Union, Shri B R P Bhaskar. The attack was met with confidence and strength. The executive held an emergency meeting and congratulated the employees of UNI –both journalists and non-journalists – who had gone on a lightning strike to protest against the medieval and despotic action of the UNI management. Our Union fully supported the strike and also organized a protest demonstration outside the UNI premises. At our request, the journalists and non-journalists of many establishments participated in the daily demonstration held outside the agency offices. The employees of the banks situated in the area also participated in the demonstration one evening, when it was heavily raining and we take the opportunity to specially thank the bank employees and their local organization, the Delhi State Bank EmployeesFederation, for the splendid demonstration of solidarity with us in time of need. Shri Rangarajan, Spl Correspondent of the UNI, played a notable role in this agitation.

“Ultimately, the UNI management relented and revoked the dismissal order served on Bhaskar.”

When the Delhi Union initially decided on a 24-hour strike, the management felt it could weather the storm. The following day the Union extended the strike by 48 hours and then by 72 hours.

On the very first day IFWJ President S B Kolpe and All India Newspaper Employees Federation General Secretary S Y Kolhatkar in a joint statement described the UNI management’s action as one of victimization for trade union activity and demanded that it be withdrawn. Shashi Bhushan, MP from Madhya Pradesh, who happened to be in Bombay on that day, also issued a press statement. So did a host of local politicians including Muslim League MLA G M Banatwala.

Bombay PCC President Rajani Patel sent a telegram to Prime Minister Indira Gandhi asking her to intervene in the issue. Blitz Editor RK Karanjia visited the UNI Bombay bureau to express solidarity and dealt with the issue in his column in the next issue of the weekly.

While the strike was on, the Maharashtra Union of Journalist met at Pune for its annual conference. Chief Minister V P Naik, who inaugurated the conference, condemned the UNI management’s action and said the state government would not let the agency get away with it. State Minister for Information Sharad Pawar who was the chief guest on the second day also made a similar declaration. The MUJ designated the following Friday as UNI Day and held out threat of a statewide newspaper strike. The newspapers which are owners of the agency rarely take interest in its affairs. They were forced to sit up and take notice when S R Kulkarni, President of the All India Port and Dock Workers Federation, said dock workers would refuse to handle newspaper consignments of the newspapers which are on the board of directors of UNI if the sack order was not withdrawn.

On the fifth day the UNI management contacted Vats and sought IFWJ’s help to settle the issue. It offered to withdraw the sack order but wanted me to accept transfer to another centre. The management gave me a list of six centres to choose from. They were all in states where the chief ministers were displeased with UNI correspondents for one reason or another. From the list I picked Srinagar after making sure that N S Malik, who was then posted there, was ready to move. “If Iam going to get into trouble,” I told myself, “let it be in Jammu and Kashmir.”

What infuriated the trade union movement was the arbitrary nature of the management’s action. The termination notice mentioned no charges. Union Labour Minister K V Raghunatha Reddy asked the General Manager what was cause for action. He replied that the management had lost trust in me. He explained that the agency’s lawyer had advised against mentioning any charges since that would cast upon the management an obligation to hold an inquiry into the charges. Air India had dismissed a senior executive without citing any reason and the Supreme Court had upheld the airline management’s stand that it could not keep a person whom it did not trust in a key position.

In UNI, there was also a third Union -- in Kerala. It did not join the strike. Its President was Vayalar Ravi, MP. When I met Ravi later I asked why his union had stayed away. He said he was told by a senior UNI journalist that the issue had been resolved.

I had been with UNI for seven years at that ime, and that was more than I had spent in any institution previously. After my reinstatement I believed I had an obligation to stay on as a large number of colleagues, both journalists and non-journalists, had stuck their necks out for me. In the event I remained with the agency for a total of 18 years, nearly half of my working life. Since I enjoyed considerable professional freedom in the agency, the strained relationship with the management was not much of a problem.
                                                             (Facebook Note dated April 23, 2015)
)

Monday, July 20, 2015

MAN IS ON THE MOON: Recording of an historic event:




Two Indian newspapers of July 21, 1969 with the UNI report of Man's Landing on the Moon at 01.44 hrs IST on that day. (Facsimile: Courtesy Teen Murti National Museum)

The scheduled time of the historic event was close to the time at which Indian newspapers print their morning editions. To help them plan their front page in advance the report was written and made available to them in advance. 

T. V. Rajagopal, UNI's Deputy General Manager, was at the Press Room set up by the US authorities in Paris since the entire international media could not be accommodate at the Press Room at the Kennedy Space Center. Hence the Paris dateline. 

Some newspapers changed the dateline to The Moon. One made it Sea of Tranquility.

Here are the opening lines of the report:

Man is on the Moon.

Reaching for the limitless expanse of space, Man today arrived on the Moon, Earth's closest neighbour and satellite, which has beckoned him nightly throughout the ages.

It was the most glorious moment yet in the saga of Man. He had broken out of the confines of the planet to which he had been bound since birth for his first look at the Universe from a celestial body.

It was yet another thrilling act in the cosmic drama which began a dozen years ago. Astronauts Neil Armstrong and Edwin Aldrin Jr, the newest heroes of the space age, had landed on the waterless Sea of Tranquility on the Moon's cratered surface ready to set foot on it -- and walk into the Hall of Fame.

For the two men, who went "in peace for all mankind", it was the fulfilment of a dream countless generations had dreamt, of a commitment President John F. Kennedy had made when he declared having a man on Moon this decade and bringing him back safely a national goal of the United States.

The climactic point of the seven-day voyage to the Moon and back came at 0144 IST today when Eagle, the fragile, spidery lunar module of Apollo 11 landed on the Moon with Armstrong and Aldrin on board. It was the first time a manned craft had made a landing outside Earth.   

Friday, July 17, 2015

Indira Gandhi: from a diffident politician to a confident stateswoman

When Indira Gandhi was killed by her bodyguards on October 31, 1984, my former UNI colleague, Abraham Tharakan, who was running the popular Bangalore tabloid City Tab asked me to write a piece based on my recollections of her.
I wrote about her transition from a hesitant leader to a powerful ruler and recounted the experience of a tempestuous 1969 tour of Northeastern States which I had covered for UNI.














Memories come crowding into the mind. Memories of close encounters of the professional kind. They form a kaleidoscope of images which  reveal the transformation of a hesitant politician, unsure of  herself, into a powerful personality who was to leave a deep impression not only on her countrymen, but many in other lands too.

Indira Gandhi held no office in the party or government when I interviewed her for Patriot in August 1963. She had agreed to contribute an article for the newspaper’s Independence Day number. Not having found the time to write, She suggested that she might be interviewed instead.


In an austerely furnished room in the stately Teen  Murti house. I waited for her with a stenographer and a photographer. As she entered the room, she quickly pulled the pallav of her sari over the head. She reminded me of a shy, demure bride as she settled in a large chair and waited for me to read out the questions which had been given to her in advance on request.



Interviewing Indira Gandhi at Teen Murti on August 12, 1963, for Patriot's Independence Day number. Seated at the left is the stenographer who took notes as she answered questions. Photo: V.M. Saluja



She answered all questions, some briefly, some at length. When fresh questions were put in the light of answers to previously submitted questions, she answered them readily.

On occasions her answers ended abruptly. Expecting more to come, we waited in silence. There was nothing more. So we moved on to the next question. At other times, she would become very voluble and words poured out in a torrent.

I wondered if some of the replies would not embarrass her when they appeared in print. Three times I stopped her to enquire whether she would be able to stand by what she had said. Each time, she asked, "What did I say?" and the stenographer who took notes read out what she had said. Twice she thought it prudent to retract, saying, "No, don’t print that".

On the third occasion, she said “You can print that”. The question was about groupism in the Congress. It was standard practice for the party’s leaders to deny the existence of groups. Mrs Gandhi, who had already served several terms as Working Committee member and one term as Congress President, was ready to go on record as admitting that there were groups in the party. The Congress had suffered from groups even in the pre-Independence days, she said. "Do you think my father had an easy time in UP? He had to fight his way all along " 

The overall impression one was left with, at the end of the hour–long session was not that of a powerful personality, but of one not sre of herself. Little wonder that the mighty party bosses presumed she would make a pliable prime minister.

Indira Gandhi was already a different person when she addressed a press conference as prime minister on New Year’s Day 1969. She came under considerable needling from a correspondent who plied her with questions designed not so  much to elicit information as to show she wasn’t telling the truth. At one stage she decided she had had enough of his cross- examination. Raising her voice, she told him, "I will not be talked to like that." So stern was her look and so firm her tone that the questioner’s enthusiasm evaporated and he tendered a meek apology. After that she never had any trouble with the Delhi press.
 
Indira Gandhi presented yet another picture as she answered questions at a luncheon meeting of the Foreign Correspondents Association in Tokyo during a State visit to Japan later that year.

The Associated Press bureau chief, who welcomed her as president of the association, brought the house down repeatedly with a humour–packed prepared address which contained a life–sketch of Mrs. Gandhi and much else.

Mrs. Gandhi had a mischievous sparkle in her eyes when she rose to reply. “Your president has been good enough to say that my father and grandfather and  were  great fighters in India’s freedom struggle.” she said. “Let me tell you my mother and grandmother were equally great fighters in India’s freedom-struggle.” Mrs. Gandhi went on in this vein, making the hard–boiled correspondents roar with laughter.

The question–and-answer session that followed revealed her in the best of elements. Serious questions fetched straight answers. Frivolous questions were met with light-hearted banter. Embarrassing queires were deftly parried with delightfully vague responses.

There was not a trace of the hesitancy and diffidence one had seen six years earlier.

Memories of an eventful week spent covering a tempestuous tour of the northeastern states compel attention.

The day before the tour was to begin there were doubts whether it would take place at all. Assam, the first state on the prime minister’s itinerary, was in flames over the issue of a second refinery in the state. Manipur was in the throes of an agitation on the issues of  statehood and a university. Armed insurrection in Nagaland was in full swing.

Late in the evening word came from the Prime Minister’s Office. “The tour is on. Please be at the airport at 6 a.m.”

At Jorhat airfield the governor  of Assam and  Nagaland, B.K Nehru, and the chief minister of Assam , Sarat Chandra Sinha, greeted Mrs. Gandhi. Both of them advised her to abandon the tour. She insisted on going through with it. After a brief discussion it was decided that they would all go to Shillong, then capital of Assam, to sort out then capital of Assam, to sort out the matter. We four pressmen who had accompanied Mrs. Gandhi from New Delhi were asked to wait at Jorhat.

When Mrs. Gandhi returned to Jorhat we were told of a change in her programme. She would not tour Assam but would proceed to Tripura. The Governor, who was her kinsman, was generally given credit for dissuading her from going ahead with the Assam tour.

After a successful tour of verdant Tripura, Mrs. Gandhi flew into turbulent Manipur. Early the following morning we took off in two helicopters for Ukhrul, a Naga stronghold. It was supposed to be a 40-minute flight. More than an hour a later we were still airborne. An air force officer explained that we had to turn back because of bad weather in Ukhrul.
It was much later that we discovered that it was not only the physical weather which was bad. A party of security personnel who had left Imphal by road for Ukhrul the previous day had been ambushed. Two security personnel had been killed and Manipur’s  Security Commissioner, who led  the party, wounded.

The air was thick with tension  when Mrs. Gandhi briskly climbed the steps leading  to the rostrum to address a public meeting in Impal. Trouble appeared inevitable. Her security officer followed her up the rostrum pleading with her all the way to abandon the meeting. Alone on the  rostrum with Manipur’s home  minister Thombi Singh, who was  to be her interpreter, she was a  sitting duck for a marksman. And  everyone knew there were plenty of rifles left over from the World  War in and around Imphal.


Indira Gandhi began her speech. She spoke one sentence and asked  Thombi Singh to translate it. He rendered her words into Manipuri and then told her that was enough. It was too risky to go on with the meeting. The security officer still  stood at the top of the steps, his hands folded imploringly. 

 She spoke another sentence and ordered the reluctant Thombi Singh: “Translate”.
           
While Thombi Singh was struggling for words, from the rostrum she could see flames leap up behind the rows of crowds. Demonstrators had stopped a bus and set fire to it.

Raising her voice, Indira Gandhi said: “Some hooligans have just now set fire to a bus. Who suffers? Not me. Tomorrow you will have one bus less on the road.” Turning to Thombi Singh, she commanded again:“Translate.”

Seconds later shots rang out  We gathered much later that a shot was fired from a roadside house and the police returned the fire.

Unperturbed, Indira Gandhi appeared determined to go ahead with her speech. To the immense relief of all around, she wound up her speech speedily, ran down the flight of steps and got into her waiting car. The accompanying  pressmen barely managed to plough through the crowd and jump into the last vehicle of the  prime minister’s motorcade as it  sped away.

A little later the Manipur Assembly building was set on fire. With rioting and arson raging, the authorities clamped down a 24-hour curfew and called out the troops. 

Truckloads of troops provided escort as the prime minister’s party drove to the airport the next  morning. Indira Gandhi reached the airport by helicopter from Raj Bhavan.
          
At Dimapur we had to board helicopters to fly to Kohima, capital of Nagaland. But Kohima reported poor visibility forcing us to wait indefinitely.


The prolonged wait made Indira Gandhi impatient. Yashpal Kapoor got a dressing down for not having arranged to start early, despite her instructions. In the hills, the mornings are generally clear and the sky becomes cloudy later, she said.
          
Defence authorities hurriedly made arrangements to provide lunch for the prime minister at an officer’s mess nearby. Indira Gandhi, however, decided to wait at the  airport itself so that we could take off the moment the clouds cleared.
           
Suddenly Mrs. Gandhi asked Kapoor to get her suitcase. She had decided to change her sari.
           
The suitcase was opened  on the tarmac in the shade of the  aircraft. Indira Gandhi spent a few minutes going through the saris before she picked one. Unknown to her, a Films Division photographer clicked away, capturing on film portraits of the prime minister as a woman choosing a sari to wear.
          
She then went into the aircraft and changed. As she emerged from the aircraft she announced that we would go to the army mess for lunch after all. 

The lunch ended quickly as word came that the weather was clear in Kohima. We ruched to the airport . Boarded our helicopters and were safely in Nagaland’s picturesque capital before the clouds gathered again.
           
The public meeting on the Kohima  football ground was another tense affair. Security personnel kept a wary eye on the distant hill where hostile elements were entrenched. The venue of the meeting was  within the  range of the hostiles' guns.

The scene in the football ground could well have been a Cecil B De Mille spectacle. The twelve tribes of Nagaland were represented there, dancers from each tribe forming a circle as they danced in her honour. Mrs Gandhi moved from one group to another, dancing with each group, much to the discomfiture of the uptight security officials, before she returned to the dais to speak.
           
While in Kohima Mrs. Gandhi received reports about the outbreak of communal violence in Ahmedabad. She decided to fly to Gujarat the next morning instead of returning to New Delhi as scheduled.

Ahmedabad was under curfew when we landed there late in the evening, flying from  Jorhat with only a brief halt at Lucknow’s Amausi airport for lunch. From the airport she drove straight to the riot-affected areas. The riot victims poured out their tales of woe to her. The prime minister’s dramatic  airdash across the entire breadth  of the country while the embers were still glowing had an  electrifying impact on the  trouble-torn city. She had administered a healing touch.
          
1969 saw Indira Gandhi maturing into an outstanding leader. Her detractor’s efforts notwithstanding, she continued to grow in stature until the Emergency.

Indira Gandhi of 1969 was a taller figure than Indira Gandhi of 1963 and 1967, and it was  a still taller Indira Gandhi who was cut down by assassins' bullets.(The City Tab, Banaglore}